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050 00 JK511|b.G62 2012 
082 00 352.23/50973|223 
090    JK511 .G62 2012 
100 1  Goldsmith, Jack L.|0https://id.loc.gov/authorities/names/
       n96099254 
245 10 Power and constraint :|bthe accountable presidency after 9
       /11 /|cJack Goldsmith. 
250    1st ed. 
264  1 New York :|bW. W. Norton & Co.,|c[2012] 
264  4 |c©2012 
300    xvi, 311 pages ;|c25 cm 
336    text|btxt|2rdacontent 
337    unmediated|bn|2rdamedia 
338    volume|bnc|2rdacarrier 
504    Includes bibliographical references (pages 257-300) and 
       index. 
505 0  Introduction: checks and balances in an endless war -- 
       Part one. Continuity: the new normal; forces bigger than 
       the president -- Part two. Distributed checks and balances
       : accountability journalism; spies under a government 
       microscope; warrior-lawyers; the GTMO bar -- Part three. 
       Assessment: the presidential synopticon -- Afterword: 
       after the next attack. 
520    Conventional wisdom holds that 9/11 sounded the death 
       knell for presidential accountability. In fact, the 
       opposite is true. The novel powers that our post-9/11 
       commanders in chief assumed--endless detentions, military 
       commissions, state secrets, broad surveillance, and more--
       are the culmination of a two-century expansion of 
       presidential authority. But these new powers have been met
       with thousands of barely visible legal and political 
       constraints--enforced by congressional committees, 
       government lawyers, courts, and the media--that have 
       transformed our unprecedentedly powerful presidency into 
       one that is also unprecedentedly accountable. These 
       constraints are the key to understanding why Obama 
       continued the Bush counterterrorism program, and in this 
       light, the events of the last decade should be seen as a 
       victory, not a failure, of American constitutional 
       government. We have actually preserved the framers' 
       original idea of a balanced constitution, despite the vast
       increase in presidential power made necessary by this age 
       of permanent emergency.--Publisher description. 
648  7 21st century|2fast 
650  0 Presidents|zUnited States|xHistory|0https://id.loc.gov/
       authorities/subjects/sh2008109603|y21st century.|0https://
       id.loc.gov/authorities/subjects/sh2002012478 
650  0 Executive power|zUnited States|xHistory|0https://
       id.loc.gov/authorities/subjects/sh2008103414|y21st 
       century.|0https://id.loc.gov/authorities/subjects/
       sh2002012478 
650  0 Separation of powers|zUnited States|xHistory|0https://
       id.loc.gov/authorities/subjects/sh2010112641|y21st 
       century.|0https://id.loc.gov/authorities/subjects/
       sh2002012478 
650  7 Presidents.|2fast|0https://id.worldcat.org/fast/1075723 
650  7 History.|2fast|0https://id.worldcat.org/fast/958235 
650  7 Executive power.|2fast|0https://id.worldcat.org/fast/
       917857 
650  7 Separation of powers.|2fast|0https://id.worldcat.org/fast/
       1112740 
651  7 United States.|2fast|0https://id.worldcat.org/fast/1204155
901    MARCIVE 20231220 
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