| Description |
1 online resource. |
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text file |
| Series |
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today (LA),
0166-0829 ;
volume 229
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Linguistik aktuell ; Bd. 229.
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| Bibliography |
Includes bibliographical references and index. |
| Contents |
Intro -- Morphological Metatheory -- Editorial page -- Title page -- LCC data -- Dedication page -- Table of contents -- About the Authors -- How are words related? -- 1. Introduction: Lexemes, word forms, paradigms -- 2. Why words and paradigms? -- 3. Denying morphology -- 4. Formal and semantic overlap reconsidered -- 5. Lexical representations -- 6. Lexical relatedness -- a rough sketch -- 7. Deverbal participles and lexical relatedness -- 8. The metatheoretical status of indexes -- 9. Concluding remarks -- References -- Paradigms at the interface of a lexeme's syntax and semantics with its inflectional morphology -- 1. Overview of Old English conjugation -- 1.1 Morphosyntactic properties -- 1.2 Strong verbs -- 1.3 Weak verbs -- 2. Content/form asymmetries in Old English conjugation -- 2.1 Impoverishment in Old English conjugation -- 2.2 Enrichment in Old English conjugation -- 2.3 Dissonance in Old English conjugation -- 3. A theory of content/form asymmetries in Old English conjugation -- 3.1 Content paradigms, form paradigms and their linkage -- 3.2 Paradigm function -- 3.3 Canonical paradigm linkage -- 3.4 Property mappings -- 3.5 Stems -- 3.6 Inflection classes -- 3.7 Form correspondents -- 3.8 Rules of exponence -- 3.9 Noncanonical paradigm linkage -- 4. Discussion and conclusions -- References -- A Postsyntactic Morphome Cookbook -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Morphomes as Parasitic Features in DM -- 2.1 Purely Parasitic Features -- 2.2 Semi-Parasitic Features -- 2.3 Summary -- 3. Habitats of Parasitic Features -- 3.1 Hidden Parasitic Features in DM: Decomposition -- 3.2 Hidden Parasitic Features in DM -- Meta-Features on Markedness -- 3.3 Parasitic Features in other Frameworks -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Morphomes in the Morphome Literature -- 4.1 Some Classical Morphomes -- 4.2 Deriving Restrictions on Morphomes -- 4.3 Summary. |
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5. Alternatives to Morphomes and Parasitic Features in DM -- 5.1 Morphomes as Elsewhere Syncretism -- 5.2 Morphomes as Homophony or Suppletion -- 5.3 Morphomes by Pure Impoverishment ('Carving') -- 5.4 Summary -- 6. Summary -- References -- Syncretism in Paradigm Function Morphology and Distributed Morphology* -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Syncretism in DM -- 2.1 DM Basics -- 2.2 Shared- and Nonshared-Feature Syncretism in DM -- 2.3 Metasyncretisms in DM -- 2.4 Interim Summary: DM -- 3. Syncretism in PFM2 -- 3.1 PFM2 Basics -- Anchor 155 -- 3.2 Syncretism in PFM2 -- 3.3 Metasyncretism in PFM2 -- 3.4 Interim Summary: PFM2 -- 4. Comparing DM and PFM: Restrictiveness -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 DM and Restrictions on Syncretism -- 4.3 Are there Restrictions on Syncretism? -- 4.4 Conclusion -- References -- Phase domains at PF -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Domains -- 2.1 Phonological domains -- 2.1.1 Causatives and inner domains -- 2.1.2 Beyond causatives -- 2.2 Domains for suppletion -- 3. Domain mismatches -- 3.1 Tense domain mismatches -- 3.2 Phonological domains in comparatives -- 3.3 Domain suspension à la Bobaljik and Wurmbrand -- 3.4 Domain suspension revised: Feature Portage -- 4. Lower Heads -- 4.1 Yiddish predicate clefts -- 4.2 Compounds -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- The Costs of Zero-Derived Causativity in English -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 Levels of Complexity -- 1.2 Lexical Semantic Complexity in Processing -- 2. Deriving Behavioral Predictions -- 3. Experiment 1 -- 3.1 Methods -- 3.1.1 Participants -- 3.1.2 Stimuli -- 3.1.3 Procedure -- 3.1.4 Data Processing -- 3.1.5 Data Analysis -- 3.2 Results -- 3.3 Experiment 1 Discussion -- 4. Experiment 2 -- 4.1 Methods -- 4.1.1 Participants -- 4.1.2 Stimuli -- 4.1.3 Procedure -- 4.1.4 Data Processing -- 4.1.5 Data Analysis -- 4.2 Results -- 4.3 Experiment 2 Discussion -- 5. Self-Paced Reading Discussion. |
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6. Experiment 3 -- 6.1 Methods -- 6.1.1 Participants -- 6.1.2 Stimuli -- 6.1.3 Procedure -- 6.1.4 Data processing -- 6.1.5 Data analysis -- 6.2 Results -- 6.2.1 Fusiform Gyri -- 6.2.2 Left Posterior Temporal Lobe -- 6.2.3 Left Inferior Frontal Gyrus -- 6.2.4 Left Anterior Temporal Lobe -- 6.2.5 Medial Prefrontal Cortex -- 6.3 Discussion -- 7. General Discussion and Conclusion -- References -- Spans and words -- 1. Introduction: In search of the grammatical word -- 2. Proposal: Words are defined over spans -- 2.1 Portmanteaux -- 2.2 Syntactic Periphrasis -- 2.3 Mirror theory -- 2.4 Grammatical words -- 3. The X0 hypothesis -- 3.1 Phonologically and lexically driven periphrasis -- 3.2 Head movement -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Building words -- 1. Syntactic word formation: A Distributed Morphology perspective -- 2. Root suppletion -- 3. Building causatives and anticausatives -- 4. A complex syntax for word formation -- 4.1 Evidence for complexity in the causative alternation -- 4.2 Domains for root suppletion -- 4.3 Spans and extended projection -- 5. Conclusion -- References -- Emergent Morphology -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Morphs and morphemes -- 3. Morph selection driven by morphosyntax -- 3.1 Top-down assessment: Manifest S-features -- 3.2 Bottom-up assessment: S-feature Congruence -- 3.3 Zero-morphs -- 3.4 Summary -- 4. Defaults -- 4.1 A single default -- 4.2 Multiple defaults and shared features -- 4.3 Defaults are not underlying forms -- 4.3.1 High information content but low frequency -- 4.3.2 Abstract representations: A frequency of zero -- 4.4 Summary -- 5. Selecting a nondefault morph -- 5.1 Preferred morphs -- 5.1.1 Subregularities -- 5.1.2 Portmanteaux: A morpho-syntactic preference -- 5.1.3 Summary: Nonuniqueness of underlying representations -- 5.2 The role of phonology. |
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5.2.1 Phonological relations among morphs: Southern Min tone circle -- 5.2.2 Phonological selection: Yoruba tone -- 5.2.3 Morph-specific phonological selection: Kinande tone -- 5.2.4 Summary -- 6. Conclusion -- References -- Morphology as an adaptive discriminative system -- 1. Introduction -- 1.1 The constructionist fallacy in morphology -- 1.2 Overview -- 2. The classical WP model -- 2.1 Uncertainty -- 2.2 Discriminability -- 3. Associative and discriminative strategies of correspondence -- 3.1 The logic of associative decomposition -- 3.2 The limits of association -- 3.2.1 The challenge of segmentation -- 3.2.2 Gestalt exponence -- 3.2.3 Sub-phonemic discrimination -- 3.3 Summary -- 4. Some challenges for making sense of morphology -- 5. Conclusions -- References -- Readjustment -- 1. Introduction -- 2. A quick overview of readjustment rules in DM and beyond -- 2.1 Where do readjustment rules come from, and what were they supposed to do? -- 2.2 Where do readjustment rules apply? -- 2.3 Why are readjustment rules problematic? -- 3. Revisiting arguments in favor of readjustment rules -- 3.1 Readjustment as "secondary exponence" -- 3.2 Verb stem allomorphy in Uto-Aztecan: Hiaki (Yaqui) vs. Classical Nahuatl -- 3.2.1 Verb stem allomorphy in Hiaki -- 3.2.1.1 HTB on the Hiaki data -- 3.2.1.2 HTB on readjustment vs. stem listing -- 3.2.2 Verb stem allomorphy in Classical Nahuatl (CN) -- 3.2.2.1 The CN data -- 3.2.2.2 The CN analysis -- 3.2.3 Interim conclusion regarding Uto-Aztecan stem allomorphy -- 3.3 Verb stem allomorphy plus reduplication in Sye (Erromangan) -- 3.3.1 An analysis based on suppletive stems -- Inkelas and Zoll (2005) -- 3.3.2 Frampton's (2009) derivational account of modified forms from unmodified forms in Sye -- 3.3.3 Evaluation: Stem listing (suppletion) vs. readjustment in Sye -- 4. Conclusion -- References. |
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Towards a Restricted Realization Theory -- 1. Introduction -- 2. On the preference of NTI and VIO models -- 3. Towards a VIO model: Non-locality -- 4. The monolistemic approach to stem allomorphy and strong/weak suppletion -- 4.1 Double Marking -- 4.1.1 The diachrony of double marking -- 4.1.2 Double marking and opacity -- 4.1.3 Triple marking -- 4.1.4 Borrowed affixation -- 4.2 Morphological creativity and the exclusion of unproductive forms -- 4.2.1 Where does all that listed morphology come from? -- 4.3 Productivity, listing, and double marking -- 5. Containment -- 5.1 Proposal I: Non-terminal insertion is limited to complex heads -- 5.2 Proposal II: Post-linearization spanning -- 4.2.1 English participle and past tense convergence -- 4.2.2 -ity vs. -abil-ity -- 4.2.3 Bracketing paradoxes -- 6. Towards a Vocabulary Insertion-Only model: Impoverishment -- 6.1 Siddiqi (2009) on feature blocking -- 7. Conclusions -- List of Abbreviations -- References -- We do not need structuralist morphemes, but we do need constituent structure -- 1. Introduction -- 2. We do not need structuralist morphemes: On stem storage -- 2.1 Stem storage avoids conspiratorial zeroes -- 2.2 Stem storage widens cyclic domains for allomorph selection just enough -- 2.2.1 Spanish third-conjugation verbs: Subcategorization and phonotactic optimization -- 2.2.2 Cyclic locality in the Spanish third-conjugation alternation -- 2.3 Stem storage maintains parallel cycles of phonological and semantic interpretation -- 2.3.1 The cyclic transmission of stress-induced hiatus in Spanish denominal derivatives -- 2.3.2 The parallel cyclic transmission of allomorphy and allosemy -- 3. We need constituent structure: On the diachronic interaction of computation and storage -- 4. Conclusion -- References -- Inner and Outer morphology in Greek adjectival participles -- 1. Introduction. |
| Local Note |
eBooks on EBSCOhost EBSCO eBook Subscription Academic Collection - North America |
| Subject |
Morphology -- Theory.
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Morphology. |
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Metatheory.
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Metatheory. |
| Genre/Form |
Electronic books.
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| Added Author |
Siddiqi, Daniel, editor.
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Harley, Heidi, editor.
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| Other Form: |
Print version: Morphological metatheory. Amsterdam ; Philadelphia : John Benjamins Publishing Company, [2016] 9789027257123 (DLC) 2016003593 |
| ISBN |
9789027267122 (pdf) |
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902726712X (pdf) |
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9789027257123 (hardback ; alkaline paper) |
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